533 Sgt Charles Robert Quinnell MM, 9th Royal Fusiliers

I interviewed Charles Quinnell at The Royal Hospital, Chelsea on the 25th January 1982. He was oft quoted and appeared in a number of TV documentaries. The photograph above shows Charles and Alf Worrell in their Chelsea Pensioner uniforms along with other WW1 veterans at the Menin Gate, Ypres. This photograph was published in Rose Coombs' Before Endeavours Fade.

This is what Charles Quinnell told me.

"Sixty men were taken out of our battalion in December 1915 and we acted as labourers to professional miners who were sapping and mining under the German lines to counter the German mining. All you saw as you walked along the trench was a square opening which was four feet high and two feet wide: a doorway. That was the top of a staircase. Each stair was one foot deep and that went down thirty feet into the ground. When you were down at the bottom there it opened out into a room ten feet square which was propped up with tree trunks, and in the centre of that room was the shaft. That went down fifteen or sixteen feet and then they used to start tunneling. As this professional miner tunneled so his one and only tool was an ordinary bayonet, an ordinary soldier’s bayonet. And he used to stick that in and he’d go like that, whip it round and out would come like a big cheese. Those cheeses were loaded into sandbags and each sandbag took three or four of these cheeses. Then the man next to the miner, an infantryman – he was an RE, Royal Engineer, the miner was – then the chain of men along the tunnel and then at the bottom of the shaft a windlass and they were hauled up into the room and then up the staircase into the trench and you used to have a man up the top of the trench and he used to sling ‘em over the top. 

"Now the job was alright but it was very very wet. In the tunnel, right at the bottom of the mine it was drip, drip, drip all the time and being only four foot high you was crouched down all the time and so in consequence the back of your back got sopping wet. 

"Well that was the job and the theory of it was eight hours on and sixteen hours off. Well in that sixteen hours we were billeted in the town of Bethune in French barracks and there was no comfort there at all, just plain barracks and not a stick of furniture: no tables, no chairs. The traveling back to Bethune and also traveling back to the mine was all taken out of your sixteen hours. And sometimes, if you were held up with the shellfire that would take three or four hours out of your sixteen. 

"Well, on one occasion when we arrived at the mine, the three mines – this is at Givenchy – were known as Duckbill One, Duckbill Two and Duckbill Three. When we arrived at this Ducksbill were told that there was no mining going on because they expected the Germans to blow. See the theory of it was, the Germans mined and our people mined and we used to try and catch the Germans and blow their shaft in, and they used to do the same to us you see. Well when we got there on this particular day, we got the news that the Germans were going to blow – or they were expected to blow – and there was only a man, one of these miners, right at the end of the shaft, right at the end of the tunnel, and he had a stethoscope – like a doctor’s stethoscope – and he held it up against the wall of the tunnel. And you could hear if the Germans were working, well you could hear them talking. 

"At any rate, on this particular day when I got there I went down into the mine and right up the end of the tunnel there was this RE man on a sandbag and he was sitting there and he’d got this stethoscope right against the wall. Well you spoke in whispers in case the Germans were listening. And I said, [whispering] “Are they going to blow?” And he didn’t know, he said, [whispering] “you get out of it.” 

"So I was coming back away from him and I’m damned if the Germans didn’t blow. Now you’ve heard of brave men who have never been afraid. Boy, I was absolutely scared stiff. This tunnel we were in, the framework went up like that and then like that and you were thrown from one side to the other. But the timber held and the Germans didn’t blow our tunnel in. Boy, I was scared stiff. He spoke in a normal voice now, he said, “it’s alright, they’ve blown, it’s quite safe now.” At any rate, we carried on with the work and that was that. 

"We went over the top on the Somme on the 7th July and we got absolutely cut to pieces. We had two machine guns on us and I was a platoon sergeant. I went in with 43 men, I came out with one private, one lance corporal and myself. It was a heartbreaking job because we didn’t get what we went after at the village of Ovillers. Incidentally, we were the third lot to have a go at it. The 3rd Division had had a go at it, another lot had had a go at it but it was a wonderful position and the trouble was our artillery gave four hours bombardment before we went over but there were two machine guns placed about six or seven hundred yards behind the German lines and they were the boys who did the killing. 

"They smashed up the German front line – there was little or no infantry rifle shot against us but these two machine guns they had the range right to an inch and they just mowed our boys down when they went over. 

"Anyway, we came out, we got made up with a draft and we went over the top again on the 4th August, the second anniversary of the war, on a night attack. Now this will emphasize the luck of the game. These boys had only had three months’ training and when I heard that we were going over my first reaction was, “Oh Christ, not with this lot.” But give credit where it’s due, these boys went over like veterans and we took two lines. We only lost eleven men and we took lines. We had 128 prisoners. That just shows the luck of the game; we caught the Jerries on the hop. We went over behind curtain fire and that was one of the first times that the curtain fire had been used. Now curtain fire is shrapnel fire: one bursts here, another bursts there, another bursts there you see. And then they travel; you’re attacking the trench over there, you start from here and as we advanced so they altered their guns. Creeping barrage. It was a wonderful experience and when we got to the German lines they were all kneeling on the bottom of the trench with their hands up. We took more prisoners than what our strength was. It was just the luck of the game. You see on the 7th July we went over and we got cut to pieces and took nothing, only three men left out of forty three and that was pretty general right throughout the battalion. And yet on the 4th August we went over with a lot of rookies and we took all those prisoners. It was just the luck."

Charles Quinnell died in 1984. 

L/16761 Pte Charles Edwin Painter, Middlesex Regiment

I met Charles Painter in January 1982. Then aged 81, he was an in-patient at The Royal Hospital, Chelsea. Born on the 13th July 1900 he had enlisted, under age in December 1916, signing up not just for the duration of the war but as a regukar, career soldier for a period of seven years with the colours and five years on the reserve. Although he lied about his age, he was soon found out and served as a boy until July 1918. By the time he was ready to sail for France, the Armistice had been signed and he and others set sail for Russia where they would spend the next eighteen months. His British War and Victory Medal roll entry notes that he was attached to the North Russia Expeditionary Force.

Charles was still serving in 1920 and was issued with a new regimental number: 6189311. His service reocrd presumably still survives with the MoD.

My transcription of the notes from that meeting in Chelsea are very brief and read as follows:

CEP:

Well we were a soldiering family.  My father was an RSM and my brother, he’d enlisted and I didn’t like to be the odd man left out so I run away.  I was apprenticed at the time and I run away from that and I enlisted, told them I was 17 and I was accepted. And my father heard about it and he said, “Oi, you stop there now.  You’ll have to go on boy service.” And I had to go on boy service until early in 1918.  And from then on I was soldiering and I had a life of it.

I was already to go to France and the Armistice was signed but that didn’t stop us from going, we went to north Russia instead and spent about eighteen months up in north Russia.  The going was easy as far as fighting was concerned, there were only skirmishes and we lost very few casualties – we inflicted more.  It was all marching, going through the forest, down a railway line, down towards Petrograd as it was, now Leningrad.  And we used to be living on hard tack or bully.  We didn’t have any fresh bread or fresh meat for about six months and one of our fellas found a bakery and he got some flour from the quartermaster and he decided to make some bread. We used them for cannon balls.

Well there as a big dump of article of war and rations etc that the British Government had given to the Russian Army, worth about a million pounds, this was at Murmansk.  And they wanted to evacuate this but eventually they couldn’t, they had to evacuate themselves. Once we got moving backwards we had to slip out fairly quickly and left all that stuff there but not before we’d had a dig in. I know I brought home half a kit bag full of tobacco for my father.

We were there until 1919 and we came home from there.

Reginald Llewellyn Crane, 4th Royal Berkshire Regiment

Reg Crane was one of four Great War veterans I met who lived in the Keene Memorial Homes in Broomfield Road, Chelmsford. I see from my notes that I interviewed Reg, and took the photo above, on the 9th September 1981. Reg, born on the 14th October 1896 would have been just short of his 85th birthday. I subsequently visited him many times until his death in January 1986 at the age of 89.

Despite my interest in the First World War it was not old soldier stories that drew me back to Mr and Mrs Crane. Of his First World War service with the 4th Royal Berkshire Regiment, Reg said nothing; his only words on the subject, "we were glad to forget it". He didn't tell me what his regimental number was - and may not have remembered it anyway - and I have been unable to find any reference to him whatsoever in medal index cards, medal rolls or service records.

Born in Newbury, Berkshire, Reg Crane had joined the 4th Battalion, Royal Berkshire Regiment in 1913. The regimental museum in the shadow of Salisbury Cathedral has a single note that he was served Christmas dinner in 1913 and that he belonged to E Company which was the Newbury Company of this battalion; something Reg had told me. He was at Marlow Heights for the annual Territorial Force camp in August 1914 when war was declared and, volunteering for service overseas, after some weeks ended up in Fyfield in Essex and latterly in Chelmsford, Broomfield and Little Waltham where he met his future wife, Agnes. They would marry on the 19th April 1919; Primrose Day as it was known, the day which commemorated Disraeli's death. The photograph below, published in the  Essex Chronicle on the 19th April 1985, celebrated their 66th wedding anniversary which, sadly, would also be their last anniversary.

Reg had two tattoos on his arms, a Royal Berkshire regiment cap badge and hands across the ocean, both of these inked in 1914 and artwork which he would regret in later life. He also showed me a photograph of himself in khaki and with some of his chums. I believe the photosw was taken at camp and I regret never taking a copy of it.

As I say, I know little about Reg's First World War service but I remember with fondness his company, times spent with Reg in The Ship and later The Compasses public houses in Chelmsford. I visited him in hospital when he was poorly in January 1986 but he seemed to be getting better and it was a great shock to me when I was told - I forget who told me, now - that he had died. I was in Dunmow and it was a miserable, dank, cold day and I just went out for a walk and remembered our times together.

Agnes Crane, Reg's wife of 66 years died some years later in 1992 at the age of 95. She and her husband had been inseperable and it was certainly a surprise to my parents and me that she lived for as long afterwards as she did. Reg always referred to her as "mum" and she referred to him as "daddy" and I have letters from Mrs Crane which are signed off with a kiss from mum and Reg. I continued to visit Mrs Crane after Reg's death, and my parents also visited her. Indeed, they still have a photo on display at home of Mr and Mrs Crane.

It seems fitting that today, on Remembrance Sunday 2016, that I should remember Reg and Agnes Crane - Mr and Mrs Crane as I always knew them - and remember Reg not just because, due to an accident of being born at the wrong time in history he took part in a truly awful war, but remember him as a kind man whose company I enjoyed very much.

L/16490 Pte Henry Tomkins, 2nd Royal Fusiliers

I never met Henry Tomkins but I did write to him in July 1987 and received a long and interesting reply from him many months later in January 1988.

Henry joined the Royal Fusiliers as a career soldier in late 1914. Born in September 1899, he would only have been 15-years-old but nevertheless found himself in Gallipoli by September 1915, surrounded by hardened veterans not only in his own battalion, the 2nd Royal Fusiliers, but also men from other regular battalions who had been shipped from their overseas' stations and who now formed the regular 29th Division. I will let Henry take up the story:

My first experience of trench warfare was at Gallipoli, which I survived, and after a rest on the Arabian War Front to prevent Johnny Turk obtaining possession of the Suez Canal and preventing reinforcements getting easy passage through the canal to the Western Front, the 'Incomparable 29th Division' was sent to build up for the Battle of the Somme.

Exact dates I cannot remember. We evacuated Gallipoli about Christmas 1915 without any casualties and went, as I have said, to the Arabian Front. In approximately March 1916 we embarked from Port Said and disembarked at Marseilles and from there, onward by goods wagon train to Beaumont Hamel where we detrained for a week's forced march 'padding the hoof' to Pont Remy on the Somme, arriving in trenches on a Sunday night, approximately 10th March 1916. That same night we heard some heavy firing on our right where we heard on the grapevine that the King's Royal Rifle Corps, my twin brother's regiment, was having a ding-dong with Jerry, and where he received severe wounds and was sent back to Cheltenham hospital where he died for his King and Country aged sixteen years old. Like a lot of us youngsters he volunteered and gave a false age and was accepted. If we had been made to produce our birth certificates this country would not have had the contemptible little army of 1914. We would not have been able to join the army for the adventure of war.

My twin brother's death prompted my mother to claim me out of the army because I was under age. She told my brothers and sisters, all under 15 years of age, that she had lost one son and she was not going to lose the other (me). I was hoping to meet my brother when my regiment, 2nd Battalion, Royal Fusiliers, was relieved from the Somme trenches. I was a fully promoted lance-jack (ie, nickname for lance-corporal) and during the relieving of my regiment from the trenches for a rest period I was in charge of three privates keeping watch on Jerry trenches while the main relief was taking place by another regiment. 

When I and my party was relieved, we left our post and rejoined our regiment by going over the top back to the support trench in the rear instead of through the communication trenches which were zig-zagged for safety [and to prevent] enfilade fire. On reporting to my company sergeant on joining up with my regiment I was told that I was to be up before the Company officer in the morning, which nearly always meant trouble, because I had broken trench rules. Instead of trouble, however, when I was brought before my company officer in his office (part of a French farm barn), I was told my mother had claimed me out and he couldn't hold me. I was under age and I would have to go back to base. I was to get my identity [papers] next morning and proceed back to base by divisional train which was comprised in those days of horse-drawn wagons supplying us with food and ammunition.

I eventually arrived at regimental headquarters in Hounslow with a number of us under-age [boys] and was promptly demoted to private although [I had been] promoted on the battlefield. A week later I was dismissed from the Royal Fusiliers and became a fully fledged civilian until September 1917 when I would be of age to be conscripted and recalled back to my regiment. I beat them to it by volunteering for boy-service in the Royal Navy just before reaching 18 years of age. I carried on serving ion the Royal Navy in the engine room department as a stoker and finally finished my twelve years' service as a stoker petty officer.

On the occasions when I went over the top in my army time I had no fear of getting wounded, however sever the engagement, although Tommies were dropping all around me either dead or severely wounded, but I did have consideration for those who did lose strength and collapsed and passed out and were branded as cowards. I swore that I would shoot anyone I saw shoot at them, be he either officer or army police because they had no idea of the mental strain that that supposed coward had collapsed under. 

I heard similar remarks several times when in the trenches and so I was not surprised that there was a mutiny by conscripts objecting to the treatment meted out to them at the Bull Ring [in Etaples] by bullying NCOs. Discipline was necessary but ridicule was not.

Henry Tomkins died in November 1991 having outlived his twin brother, William, by close to seventy-five years. His partial British army service record survives in WO 364, and his naval service record has also been digitised and can be viewed on the National Archives' site or on Findmypast. 

Henry's military record is fascinating and as well as containing his attestation paper, also has correspondence from his mother requesting his release from the army. The letter below is one of several in his file (image Crown Copyright the National Archives):

376664 Pte Robert J B Nosworthy - 8th London Regt

I wrote to Robert James Branscombe Nosworthy in 1986, when I was trying - much too late in the day - to find men who might have served with my great uncle, Jack Nixon.  Mr Nosworthy replied as follows:


"The name doesn't strike a bell at all with me, but then again I didn't experience any of the horrors of the front. I was called up as a telegraph messenger on July 2nd 1918 and on August 14th I was put on a draft for France but withdrawn with six others when it was discovered we hadn't even fired a rifle.


"I was again put on a draft on September 29th but having developed rheumatic fever in the meantime, I again escaped being sent out and slaughtered. I learned eventually that that draft was wiped out to a man by a heavy bombardment soon after its arrival in early October, which should coincide with your great uncle's death.  I later went on the Army of Occupation at Bonn, and it took me nearly a year to get out of the army."


There is of course, no medal index for Robert Nosworthy but there are, fortuitously, papers which survive in WO 363 and which I only discovered this morning whilst contemplating subject matter for this post. The papers include a letter from Mr Nosworthy, writing to the Army Records Office from his home in Elsenham Street, South West London in 1927, and seeking evidence of his service. He wrote:


"I was eighteen on the 23rd June 1918 and presented myself at the Bunhill Row Headquarters [of the 8th (City of London) Battalion, (Post Office Rifles), The London Regiment] the next day, one day after, in an attempt to join them. There I was informed that they could not accept me then owing to the suspension of recruiting in favour of the Military Service Act, but all my particulars were taken and a card given me stating that I was a Post Office servant and wished to join the P.O.R. [Post Office Rifles]. This I was informed, I was to show when I received calling up papers and it would signify that I had attested and would be treated as such.


"I received my calling up papers on July 11th 1918 and was posted to the 8th London on the 12th. Would it be possible for that card [to be forwarded to me?] I must apologise for putting you to any undue inconvenience but it is essential that I have proof of some description."


The letter is signed as "late Rifleman, A Coy, 2nd Battalion, 8th London Regt; transferred to G Company, 3rd Battalion, Rifle Brigade and demobbed from same 26th October 1919."


Surviving papers show that Robert was posted to the 35th Territorial Force Depot on the 12th July 1918 and compulsorily transferred to the 5th Rifle Brigade at Codford on the 20th March 1919. He was issued with a new regimental number at this point: 62818.


Robert was interviewed by the Imperial War Museum in later life and appears to have covered a lot of ground; this from the IWM:


Background in London, 1900-1914: family; education; memory of outbreak of war, 8/1914. Aspects of employment with Post Office in London, 1914-1918: duties as messenger boy; uniform; examinations; musketry drill at Chelsea Hospital; attitude to conscription and war; memory of delivering telegrams; uniform; attitude to female employees; question of shortages and rationing; transferred to Admiralty as messenger, 1918; union activity; story of call-up, 28/Jun/1918; medical examination; classified A4 and posted to Blackdown Camp. Aspects of training with 3rd Bn London Regt (Post Office Rifles) in GB, 1918: opinion of sergeant-major; description of camp; accommodation; washing and sanitary facilities; issued with kit and uniform; opinion of food. REEL 2 Continues: story of gaining and losing stripe; drill; musketry practice; obstacle course; route marches; bayonet drill; memory of accident with bomb; story of role in re-enactment of battle for film; night operation exercises; reaction to being placed on draft, 8/1918; marksmanship award; attitude to army life and discipline; opinion of NCOs and officers; relations with fellow recruits and composition of 3rd Bn; sporting and recreational activities; posted to Newport, South Wales to break miner's strike, 8/1918; relations with local community; posted to Codford Camp and description of conditions; problem of rioting Australian troops; opinion of Australians; story of contracting rheumatic fever; story of being drafted, 10/Nov/1918; arrival at Southampton transit camp; reaction to news of Armistice, 11/11/1918. REEL 3 Continues: treatment for rheumatic fever; disbandment of 3rd Bn and transferred to Rifle Bde, 12/1918. Aspect of period with 2nd and 4th Bns Rifle Brigade in GB and Germany, 12/1918-11/1919: posted to C Coy, 2nd Bn Rifle Brigade at Rugeley Camp, 12/1918; story of fighting Irish troops and death of soldier; NCO course; description of further strike-breaking duties in Coventry; drafted to 4th Bn Rifle Brigade, Bonn, Germany as part of Army of Occupation, 8/1919; promoted to corporal; billets; daily routine and duties; story of forming football club; relations with German civilians; demobilisation at Crystal Palace, 11/1919. Post-war life and employment with Post Office: question of pension; reflections on period of military service; effects of rheumatic fever. Aspects of period with Post Office Home Guard unit in GB, 1942-1945: role as officer and nature of duties in Surrey Docks; description of training recruits to throw live bombs; question of unexploded bombs.


The IWM catalogue number is 10658; also see here: http://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/80010436


During the Second World War, Robert Nosworthy served in the Home Guard and he is quoted in "In search of the real Dad's Army". His death was registered at Wandsworth in January 1998 which would have made him 97 years old.

371858 Pte Francis P Ball, 8th (City of London) Battalion (Post Office Rifles), London Regiment

Replying to my quest for information about my great uncle, Jack Nixon, Frank Ball, writing to me in 1986 from his home in Polegate, wrote,

"I am afraid I cannot help you... I was hit in both legs by German shrapnel in High Wood on 15th September 1916 and as a result returned to Blighty and remained there marked category B2".

Francis Patrick Ball was born in Shoreditch on the 27th April 1896, the son of Charles and Amelia Ball. His birth was registered in the second quarter of that year but it was not until the 22nd March 1903 that he was baptised at St John's, Hoxton. By then, his father was dead. Frank appears on the 1911 census living with his widowed mother and two brothers - Alfred and Steven - at 31 Herbert Street, Hoxton. His trade is noted as a telegraph messenger for the Post Office and so it is hardly surprising that he would later join the Post Office Rifles. His entry on the silver war badge roll notes that he joined the 8th Londons on the 17th July 1915, whilst the British War and Victory Medal roll confirms that he served overseas in France from the 3rd February 1916 until the 25th September 1916. He also later served in Egypt between December 1918 and August 1919.

Frank Ball died in Sussex in 1992.

1606 Pte Reginald Gordon Prew, 1/8th London Regiment

I never met Reginald Prew but I did write to him in 1986 when I was attempting to contact men who'd served with the Post Office Rifles in the hope that one of them might have known my great uncle, John Frederick Nixon.  Mr Prew's daughter replied that her father's handwriting was now a little shaky and that he was unable to assist as he had been discharged in 1916 after being wounded in France. She added that he had helped to cut the Post Office Rifles badge in the chalk downs at Fovant and that until 1984 he had attended the annual drumhead service.

As can be seen from his medal index card (above), Reginald Prew landed in France on the 18th March 1915 and was discharged on the 12th August 1916. The silver war badge roll confirms that he had originally joined the 8th London Regiment on the 25th March 1913, (three weeks after his seventeenth birthday). Born in New Cross, south-east London, he was almost certainly working for the Post Office at the time of his enlistment as he appears on the 1911 census as a 15-year-old messenger.

Reginald Prew died in 1988 aged 92.

55182 Pte Ernest W Springett, 1st North Staffordshire Regiment

I never met Ernest Springett, but we corresponded in 1986 and he sent me a typed manuscript detailing his service during the First World War.


Ernest was born in Hatfield Peverel, Essex on the 4th January 1899 and was at camp in Danbury with the Hatfield Peverel Scouts when war broke out. He remembered, "I carried on with the Scouts for quite a while at a boxing and gymnasium club which I ran at that time because I used to do a lot of boxing. Then [in December 1916] I enlisted in the [53rd (Young Soldiers) Battalion], Bedfordshire Regiment. We were sent to Dovercourt the following February. Snow was falling and it was bitterly cold and we got put in a hut at the back of the Cliff Hotel on Dovercourt sea-front. There had been soldiers there before and they had smashed all the windows and there wasn't a pane of glass left in the place. There were about forty of us there and they just threw us three blankets. That was our bed and our kit bag was a pillow.


"That night when I went to lie down, I had always been brought up very strictly and my Mother had always liked me to say my prayers before I went to bed, so I knelt down and said my prayers. There was hooting and hissing so when I had finished I got up and went to my kitbag and took out a set of boxing gloves and then I walked into the middle of the room and said, "All of you who have got so much to say, come out one at a time." And there wasn't one of them who had guts to come out, and they never said anything to me again."


Ernest also recalled a boxing match with a Sergeant Major Mobbs, (probably 8692 WO Cl I A J Mobbs) of the Essex Regiment who was "a big, thick-set bloke and a bit of a dirty scrapper too". Mobbs was back in England after having lost a thumb in the Dardanelles. After a bruising bout of three rounds, Ernest was told that Mobbs had been a middleweight champion in India.

From Dovercourt, the recruits were moved to Hyderabad Barracks in Colchester and from there to billets in Norwich. In April 1918 Ernest was sent to France:


"When we went from England, we were transferred to the 1st Herts but as soon as we got abroad and landed at Calais we were split up into three different lots and I was put in the regular battalion of the 1st North Staffordshires which comprised half North Staffordshire miners and Lancashire mill lads. The only ones I knew from Essex were my pal and another lad from Ilford. My pal was killed the first night he was in the trenches."


Ernest was eventually wounded himself, probably in October or November 1918. A glance at Soldiers Died in The Great War reveals that 14 of his contemporaries with regimental numbers beginning 551** lost their lives in 1918, the vast majority of these within a week of the Armistice being signed. Writing to me later, Ernest recalled,


"I wouldn't say I was a religious man but I never lost faith, and the worse conditions, the more I seemed to be told that I would survive, and you could not help but feel there was a God. No doubt I did not feel as older men with families and homes, but when you see blackguards go down on their knees in a tight corner, surely they must have thought of someone above, and I am sure those of us who were lucky enough to get home out of that Hell had stronger faith than ever."


Ernest Springett died in 1996 at the great age of 97.




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98305 Lance-Bombardier James Page, Royal Field Artillery

"I was born in a Ducal slum in Kennington, London on the 15th December 1895."



So began the narrative of 98305 Gunner Jimmy Page of the Royal Field Artillery. He was 92 years old when I interviewed him at the Royal Star and Garter home in Richmond, Surrey on Guy Fawkes day, 1988 and he died one month short of his 100th birthday in November 1995. This is some of what he told me:



"I was working for Siemens Brothers' dynamo works in Upper Thames Street in the City of London. I joined the army on August 19th 1914 because Lord Kitchener asked me to. I went to St Martins-in-the-Field in Trafalgar Square and I enlisted with the Royal Field Artillery. When I got home and told my parents, my father was drinking a glass of water. He always drank a glass of tepid water in the evening to clear away the ravages of rum, and he threw the glass and the water at me and asked me who was going to look after my mother if anything happened to him. There was nothing I could do about that though. I was already in the army and that was that.



"I joined up with a couple of pals. We'd cycled to Fulham first of all to get into the [25th London]Cyclist battalion, but there were so many applicants there that they shooed us away and we cycled back to Trafalgar Square where a recruiting sergeant picked up three shilling for singing us in. My number was 98305. Bill [William E] Hanks, who was five or six years older than me, was 98304 and Charlie Jefferys was 98306. I signed up for three years or duration and the duration, according to the Whitehall concept, proved to be five years because I didn't get out until nearly August 1919. I was retained in Egypt with the Army of Occupation."



[James Page has a few surviving documents in WO 364 which note that he worked as a storekeeper and joined the army on the 1st September 1914 and was discharged on the 16th June 1919. His medal index card notes that he disembarked in the Balkans on the 9th August 1915, whilst 9th July 1915 is the date recorded on his service record. Whichever is the correct date, James Page recalled being aboard ship on Anzac Day.]



"[I arrived at Gallipoli] on the landing day, April 25th, which the Australians have claimed as their day. They landed at Anzac Cove but I was on the SS Minnetonka which was the base ordnance ship, loaded with ammunition and a very big ship indeed: 18,000 tons and could carry a thousand head of cattle. I didn't land. I was employed as a docker. I went up on a little North Sea trawler loaded down with ammunition comprised of 18-pounder shells and small arms. The trip from Mudros to Gallipoli took probably seven hours at the speed these boats could go at.



"I eventually landed at Suvla Bay and lasted there until I was taken off with sand-fly fever and dysentery and taken off to a little island called Imros. My last recollection of Imros was of a doctor who said that I had to get on the hospital ship, SS Quebo, and I was fortunate to get back to Alexandria, and I imagine it was probably quite some time after that that I picked up the three stones in weight that I'd lost."

James Page's service history image above is Crown Copyright, The National Archives.


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371690 Pte Harold Keyser, 8th London Regiment

I never met Harold Keyser but I did correspond with him in 1986 when I was seeking information about my great-uncle, Jack Nixon. Jack had been attached to the Post Office Rifles when he was killed in action in October 1918 and, sixty-eight years later, I contacted all surviving members of the Post Office Rifles Old Comrades Association to see if there was anyone who remembered him.  Not surprisingly, given the passage of time, no-one did.

Writing to me in November 1986 from his home in Alton, Hampshire, Mr Keyser wrote, "I have no recollection of your relation in the Post Office Rifles. I had suffered an operation in a long period of convalescence prior to the dates you give and subsequently found myself transferred to the 17th London Regiment, much to my disgust but perhaps to my advantage."

 

Harold Richard Stratton Keyser was born in London on the 5th October 1898, his birth registered in Camberwell in the fourth quarter of that year. He was baptised at St Philip's, Camberwell on the 11th December 1898 and appears on the 1901 census return as a two-year-old living with his parents, Richard (a boot-maker) and Harriet, at their home at 5 Astley Street, Camberwell. Ten years later, the family had grown and moved. Harold is recorded on the 1911 census as a 12-year-old schoolboy and elder brother to Gladys (six) and Sidney (two). The family was now living at 17 Upper Grange Road, Bermondsey.

 

Harold's medal index card, above, indicates that he joined the 8th London Regiment in January 1918 while the medal roll entry indicates that he served in France between the 2nd and 14th February 1918 with the 8th London Regiment, and then from 15th February until the end of the war with the 17th London Regiment. His medal index card suggests that he was posted back to the 8th London Regiment prior to discharge.

 

Harold Keyser died in Alton on the 4th July 1989 aged 90.

 

 

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Remembering Thirlby Hack MM 1892-1986

It could all have ended for Thirlby Hack on 13th May 1915 and it was a day he remembered for the rest of his long life.

It was on the 13th May 1915, holding the line at Frezenberg near Ypres, that the Leicestershire Yeomanry as part of the 7th Cavalry Brigade in the 3rd Cavalry Division, felt the full force of the German artillery opposite. The bombardment commenced at 4am and was followed up by an unsuccessful advance at 7am which nevertheless forced the regiment to retire, both flanks being threatened. A counter-attack by the 10th Hussars in the afternoon saved the day but not without cost, the war diary reporting that during this "very trying day" the "enemy's guns fired on the position for 16 consecutive hours".

 

Thirlby Hack was wounded that day and when I interviewed him at his home in Sutton Bonington in 1985 he recalled his part in the action:

 

" I was shot in the left thigh.  I was corporal then and the sergeant was laying a little way in front of me.  He was shot through the knee and the wrist and he couldn’t move and I crawled up to him and he says, “Go on, don’t bother about me, you look after yourself.”  But I said, “I’m not going without you,” and I lay down beside him.  I says, “Get on my back, I’ll see if we can’t get you back somehow or the other.”  He did, he got on my back and I managed to crawl for some little while until I could move a bit better.  Then I stood up and I carried him nearly all the way.  Then we came across an infantry patrol and the officer in charge told off two men to take him from me.  We were near to a dressing station then and we both went to it.  From there we gradually got back down the line, got an ambulance through Ypres and eventually came back home to England."

 

The Quornian magazine reported the same incident in its September 1915 issue. Under the headline, "Our Yeomanry and the Second Battle of Ypres" it states,

 

" We must not conclude this article, however, without some notice of the two Quorn Grammar School heroes, Sergt W Moore and Cpl H T Hack, of whom we have hitherto made no mention.

 

Cpl Thirlby Hack was wounded in the left thigh, but the bullet fortunately damaged no bone, and by the merest fraction of an inch missed the femoral artery.  Near him, as he fell, lay Sergt Robert Perkins of Barrow-on-Soar, wounded in the knee and unable to rise.  But, in spite of his own wound, and of the repeated protests of Sergt Perkins, who begged Thirlby to leave him and look after himself, the brave lad got his comrade on his back, and attempted to carry him to shelter.  Time after time he was forced to put him down; but, though under a storm of high explosive shells, shrapnel and rifle fire, he took him up again, and by slow and painful stages he succeeded in reaching the cover of a ditch beside the railway embankment.  There the two remained till nightfall, when Hack again took up his burden, and after a slow and agonising journey he at last reached a field hospital about a mile I the rear of the advanced line.  Both reached England and their wounds are fortunately healed.  To the infinite credit of both these heroes, Sergt Perkins is no less loud in praise of his preserver than Thirlby is silent about a deed, which, in any ordinary war, would have undoubtedly earned him the Victoria Cross. 

 

“He that has light within his own clear breast

May sit I’ the centre and enjoy bright day.”

 

"and Thirlby is quite contented to have earned the gratitude of his companion, and to feel within him the happy consciousness of a trial bravely borne and a worthy end accomplished.  We, however, his old masters and schoolfellows, still hope that if these lines should come under the notice of anyone having interest in high military quarters, we may some day see on our hero’s breast some tangible mark of distinction to remind us of his devotion.  May he soon get it, and may he live long to wear it.”

 

He did receive an award, the Military Medal, and he did live long to wear it. He died in June 1986.  You can read the full article from the Quornian Magazine on a separate post I have created about the Leicestershire Yeomanry and  Frezenberg Ridge.

 

Today, one hundred years on from those momentous events at Frezenberg, I list below those men of the Leicestershire Yeomanry who were not so fortunate as Mr Hack and whose lives ended on the 13th May 1915.

2145 Private Charles Harold Adams
1644 Serjeant Harry Aspden
2511 Private George Harold Barker
1464 Serjeant John Albert Berry
1774 Private Percy Edgar Bowen
1904 Private Thomas Brooks
Lieutenant Thomas Edward Brooks
1874 Private Frank Purrant Brown
2559 Private Ernest Edwin Bucklar
1648 Corporal Frederick Burton
1643 Serjeant Lionel Sidney Burton
2062 Private Henry John Clapcott
1938 Private Percy Clifford
1995 Private George Clowes
2022 Private George Harry Conquest
1471 Private William Ernest Corah
1291 Corporal Robert George Cox
2323 Private Harry Wilfred Coy
1411 Private John Dalby
2658 Private Frederick Walter Daley
2560 Private Archibald Hugh De Ville
1760 Lance Corporal Bertie Diggle
Lieutenant Colonel The Hon. Percy Cecil Evans-Freke
1992 Lance Corporal John Robert Gamble
1754 Private Henry Archer Grudgings
2278 Private Harry Hanson
2591 Private Frank William Harris
1978 Private Gilbert Edwin Hawker
2368 Lance Corporal Arthur John Herrick
2589 Private Matthew Henry Hickling
2624 Private Leslie Hill
2120 Private Gurth Holland
2192 Lance Corporal Ernest Holmes
2108 Private Joseph Henry Hopkins
1827 Private John William Hoyes
2562 Private Ernest Edward Daniel Johnson
2146 Private Robert G. Johnson
1920 Private Percy Jones
1580 Serjeant Henry Percy Kealey
1589 Lance Corporal William Francis Kent
Major Bernard Robert Liebert
1843 Private John Jeeson Lucas
1822 Private Frederick Walter Mabbott
2016 Private Thomas Henry Maddock
1739 Private Frank Moir Martin
Major William Francis Martin
1765 Private Frank Herbert Matthews
1732 Private Leslie John Moir
1678 Private Daniel Moore
1845 Private William Moore
2601 Private George Morley
2509 Private John Joseph Morley
2317 Corporal George Morrison
1726 Private John Claud Morrison
1935 Private Cyril Wain Murphy
1660 Corporal John Cleaver Needham
2641 Private Frank Newton
3538 Regimental Serjeant Major George Charles Parker
1478 Lance Serjeant John Parker
Lieutenant Colin Peake
1939 Lance Corporal Arthur Thomas Powell
1844 Private Charles Edgar Pritchard
2661 Private Herbert Edward Ray
1927 Private John Roberts
1936 Private Maurice William Rowley
1983 Private Victor Walter Saunders
2106 Private Eustace William Leslie Shaw
1802 Lance Corporal Frank Sheffield
2646 Private Thomas Joseph Sherriff
1725 Private Frederick Arthur Simpkin
2131 Private Samuel Sleath
2160 Private Samuel Smalley
1967 Private Arthur Smith
1987 Private Francis Henry Smith
2027 Private William Smith
2203 Private George Harry Spence
2144 Private William John Steer
1261 Serjeant Clarence Stuchbury
2097 Private Charles Tatlow
1779 Lance Corporal Francis William Thompson
Lieutenant Samuel Pestell Donald Thomson
2708 Private Benjamin Stephen Tomlin
1863 Private Alfred James Tomlinson
1805 Lance Corporal Herbert Sydney Trotter
 Lieutenant Alan Fletcher Turner
2260 Private John Thomas Wagstaff
2337 Private Bert Ward
2129 Lance Corporal Herbert Joseph Ward
2343 Private Frank Branson Watts
2150 Private Ernest Weetman
2081 Private Frank Cuthbert White
1859 Private Horace Williams
1912 Private John Needham Williamson



At the going down of the sun, and in the morning, WE WILL REMEMBER THEM.


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112171 Private Frank Gearing, RAMC - Part three

This is the third and final part of my 1987 interview with Frank Gearing of the RAMC. Read part 1 HERE and part 2 HERE.

For the rest of my life after the war I continued medical, right up to my retirement. I eventually became so interested through my experiences of the war and being young I was able to take an interest and pick up and I learned as I went on, I learned a lot from talking to the nurses and doctors and all that. I was batman to a doctor for a little while while a chap went on leave, and he was a lovely chap from Ladbroke Grove in London. He taught me a lot and we used to sit there in the evenings if I was off duty.

When I came out of the army I immediately started looking for jobs and it was very difficult after the First World War. Unemployment was shocking - we talk about it now - you walked the streets for days and days. I think we got four shillings a week at the Labour Exchange as unemployment pay. Eventually I met a pal of mine and he said, "Have you been to the ex-soldiers place in Victoria Street, London?" I said that I hadn’t. "Well" he said, "Go along there, they place quite a lot of chaps. I got a job from there." So I went along and of course, as soon as he saw my discharge: "Oh, Royal Army Medical Corps. Can't get enough of you chaps." I said, "Are you serious?" "Yes," he said, "I want a complete staff for a new place opening in Kent. Are you willing?" I said, "What job?" "Well" he said, "It will be a full staff: orderlies, cooks, nursing orderlies, nurses, everything. Be here tomorrow morning at ten o'clock for an interview with the medical superintendent."

So I did and got a job as nursing orderly and after being there a little while I was made supervisor of the day shift (which would be three months) and then automatically changed with another man (who was night shift) to night shift. And I had a very pleasant time down there for nearly two years.

The only time I had with VADs was a little time I was in Winchester, Bourne Hill camp. There was a little hospital there which had been, before the war, the infectious hospital for that area and that was turned into what they called a camp hospital. Any cases which weren't serious enough to go into Winchester hospital were put into us. That would be sickness — of various descriptions — boils, skin diseases, minor accidents, all that sort of thing, anything not very serious. All the nurses there were VADs, local girls; the doctor's daughter, the vicar's daughter, that sort of thing. Yes, that was the only time and that was only a few weeks. I've told you already that I had no training up in Blackpool where we'd just come from. We were brought down from Blackpool, shot to Cosham near Portsmouth, only there two nights, shot back to Winchester to this Bourne Hill camp hospital where we remained until we were sent to France. Well during that time at that little hospital in Winchester with the VADs, the matron sorted me out to teach the other RAMC boys various duties: how to make fermentations. That's hot cloth wrung out to apply to boils to draw them up. That would have to be done every four hours day and night and some of these poor devils had boils all over them. Then I had to make beds and. I thought to myself even then, "I'm sure I'm not going to have to do this when I get abroad, we'll be far too busy." But I had to show these boys how to make a bed just like it would be in hospital: all the places tucked in neatly and turned down so much (which isn't even done in hospitals today. They don't bother about tidy beds anymore in hospitals now). I said to the matron, "I can do this because I've learnt it myself even while I've been here but I've had no training about this. I've never even been taught how to use a thermometer or take a man's pulse, we've never even been told that." She couldn't believe it. I said, "We've had no training at all."

On one occasion when there had been an influx they'd got some new gas. It wasn't the phosphorous stuff or the mustard gas it was neither of those two it was some other little thing. A freak cloud had come across and some of our chaps on the train were even infected, who happened to have their windows open. There were one or two cases outside; odd corps like Signals and Royal Army Service Corps were suddenly calling to us for help because we had two doctors aboard. That was my only experience so we immediately had to don our own gas masks which in those days were only a flannel head covering which you tucked in. Even then I got a touch of it. I didn't get it on my lungs or throat but I got it on my skin and it's there to this day. It must have been a kind of mustard gas and it brought me up in blisters.

I wasn't really-a religious man, not really. When I was at school it was a church school so naturally we had to go to church and I joined the Church Lads Brigade. Then after we left school and were away from that church I joined the Boy Scouts for a little while but that was so far away that I didn't go to that any more. And then I got mixed up with the Methodist Church which I found was much to my liking; a little bit more free and a bit more fun, a bit more of a jovial atmosphere and I joined the Boy's Brigade and there I stayed until I joined the army. In the army it was voluntary whether you went to church or not but if you didn't go to church you got some horrible dirty job to do so we did all go to church I'm afraid. (You got put on the coal fatigue and things like that). I've said prayers on occasions but not continuous, not as a matter of habit. I've never said my prayers every night like some people but if ever there was a sticky situation I'm afraid I have which is hypocritical of course.

[Re two army photos of Mr Gearing, one taken in France and one in England]

That first one was taken in Blackpool when I first joined; I was just a kid. The other one was taken in France, I think I'd had a couple of vermouths or something when I went in there. We all took the wire out of our caps abroad because of the difficulty of packing the other one in your kit bag; it took up so much room and we were allowed to take the wire out. The stripes on my sleeve are for the time in France: two years, two blue. The red one which they wore over the blue was if you were there in 1914. Vertical silver bars were wound stripes. Then you also had on the other arm a chevron, that's for every two years of service. The first one two years the second one five years, but I've only got the one.

The ADDIS who questioned me in Boulogne about what qualifications I'd got as a nursing orderly was very solicitous. He kept looking at me as much as to say, "You shouldn't be here at all, never mind a nursing orderly." He said, "I see by your pay book you've been prescribed glasses. You're a naughty boy, you're improperly dressed. The M.P.s could have you if they look at your pay book. You should always have what's been issued to you." In those days they were such horrible things too, we never wore them.

I don't think we went to Belgium during the war funnily enough. I can remember now walking about Mons but that was when hostilities had just about ceased.

I came off the train - the engine had been taken off and taken away ¬and we were in the most desolate place. There wasn't a thing going on, there was no trucks or lorries, there was no men about, it was all so quiet. We didn't know then that hostilities had ceased. I was walking about and there I stood, looking at everything so desolate and I thought, "What the devil's happening?" I continued to walk around and this was the first time I'd seen so many cottages and houses that were not totally destroyed. On looking back of course I should have been more careful and been thinking about booby traps but I'm afraid I didn't. I went into one house and it was just as the people had cleared out except there was obviously a bit of damage from vibrations from shells exploding and all that. The dresser was there with the crockery and everything disarranged: some had fallen down and broken, there was cutlery laying there... even our own troops couldn't have had time to go in and use anything. It didn't look as though it had been occupied since the original occupants had gone out and it's quite possible that they may have stayed there during some of the early stages. You see, once the fighting came away from Mons there was no fighting until we went back there at the end of the war. We never got back that far although we made some very good advances on the Somme, we were nearly always further back.

Then it was that some of the lads came tearing out of the train and said that a despatch rider had been up and told us to get back because we'd been brought up in advance of the first troops even. Not for long though, they started coming in in the evening in convoys. The line was very confused all the way along, German troops didn't know that it had finished in some areas. They were still fighting in some places and they were dancing together in another: Germans and British.

A land fit for heroes

I volunteered for three months after I could have come home. They said, "So many men want to get home and you're not married and we're asking the single chaps to volunteer to stay on." At the end of the three months they offered me a stripe to stay on further, but of course, the stripe would be "acting lance—corporal without pay" so that was no incentive to stay. But when I got home and found the unemployment situation so bad I was sorry I hadn't stayed. We were clothed and fed and looked after reasonably well and I should have stayed, (although I don't know that it should have made much difference because this nemployment situation remained for a good while afterwards). There were so many who didn't get their old jobs back. My immediate boss in that leather cutting firm said, "I'm sorry Frank, but a chap like you will soon find a job. I've had to give your job to my own son who Gammages can't take back."

When I came back I think my parents must have thought I was never coming back (like so many), because there wasn't one thing of my possessions that I could put my finger on. When I used to ask about this that and the other there was complete silence and I've never known from that day to this; I never pursued it, there was no point in it. My nice Malacca cane with a silver top: couldn't find it. I had a diamond tie pin: couldn't find it. There was no boots, no suit, no tie, nothing: I hadn't got a thing. I had to start from scratch when I was demobilized and the more I asked questions the more I was met with silence. My young brother who was only a boy then, a baby, couldn't tell me anything and my eldest brother wouldn't. I do suspect that my eldest brother helped himself to anything that was worth helping himself to. He didn't join up because he was in a protected trade until almost the end of the war and then he was called up eventually and drafted into the Navy as a chief petty officer. He got married as soon as he was demobilized and I think he sold all my things to pay for his bloomin' wedding, anything of any value I had I think he sold.

At the end of '17, beginning of '18 when the Germans were beginning to get a bit desperate, they were indiscriminately bombing places and one of our biggest hospitals was at a place called Etaples. It was on the side of the railway line and on the other side was the biggest dump of cases of food I've ever seen in my life or likely to see, I never saw anything like it. How the men got as high up as they did with these cases of machonochie and bully—beef I don't know but the Germans eventually came over and dropped leaflets and said, "If you don't move that hospital away from that dump, we'll bomb both." We were just as guilty of doing that sort of thing as the Germans. Or, with the cavalry, they would put horse lines alongside the hospital, thinking that a horse was a valued animal all over the world and a man's friend and that they wouldn't bomb the horse lines. But I'm afraid at a place called Grayvillers (?) where we were at number 21 casualty clearing station we were at a concert given by some of the people who used to come out during the war. And they bombed, slaughtering those poor horses. I think that upset me more than seeing human casualties. That was a terrible thing.

I think in general food supplies were very good. Our lines of communication I never heard any complaints about. It was amazing how the food got through to the troops. There seemed to be a plentiful supply of tinned stuff and any packed stuff like that. As for theses machonochies that I refer to, if we were able to buy them today I would buy them. They were a complete dinner in a tin, a flat can, and you put it into boiling water or somehow warmed it up. It would be meat, potato, peas, vegetables; they were really nice and that was a dinner for one man. As for corned beef we say now we never want to see it any more but in those days it was very welcome. There was always plenty of bread too. Quarter of a loaf to a man was the ordinary ration but I think in general there was more than that. Of course, me and any of us in hospitals and on ambulance trains and even in the C.C.S. always had that little bit extra because you would have lots of patients who were not in a condition to eat much. It was the same with cigarettes. We would have enough cigarettes put aboard according to the number of patients we'd got.

Well often those lads didn't want to smoke or couldn't smoke, (heads all swathed in bandages perhaps), so I always had plenty of cigarettes to swap with the French people. I had two very good friends at our base which was Sotteville near Rouen. When I was on that French train they used to come along because they used to have to service that train. The other trains, the English ones, were done by the Royal Engineers; the R.O.D. (Railhead Operating Department) of the Royal Engineers. They used to even drive the trains, the Engineers came out from England to drive the English ones but the French ones, no. I used to swap with these two lads: he was too young for the army and his mate was too old for the army. They used to come out and scrub the upholstery in the carriages or do any minor repairs, fill the oil lamps, all that sort of thing. I used to swap their black bread, (almost black) with some of my white because I would draw from the cookhouse in the middle of the train so many slices of bread for the troops I'd got and I'd always have a lot left over. So when I got to the base it would all be too dry before I could eat it so I'd willingly give it to these lads to share between their friends and families and he'd give me a little bit of his black stuff which I liked funnily enough. I also used to think in those days that there was nothing like French chocolate but I've since found that Belgian chocolate i6 better, oh it's lovely stuff. Silk postcards were very popular, they were lovely, they used to love those over there. And pretty picture postcards they had too, very pretty; not indecent ones but very nice French girls, beautiful little pictures they used to have.

I think the authorities were very conscious about the rations getting up and all that. On the French trains, (not the English ones because they had a corridor right through) you had no contact with the next coach and this was one of our most horrific bloomin' duties. If ever I wanted to get along to that coach where the dressings were, the bandages and the instruments, I used to have to get out of my thing and go along the footboards of the train, holding on all the way along. And I used to have to bring my food back that way: a bucket of soup in one hand. Fortunately on most of the runs you knew where the tunnels were or the bridges, otherwise we'd have been killed. It wasn't safe to go on that side in case a train was coming the other way, so we had to go on the nearside and luckily the driver would use his whistle when he got to a bridge and we'd nip in between the two coaches and stay there till we were through. (If we were within so many miles of the Front he wasn't allowed to use his whistle). But it was pretty tricky some nights coming back. We had a board with sides on it and all the bread would be stacked on that, and all the meat and we had to have that under one arm and then go back for the pail of milk pudding after that. Of a night time or in the winter when it got dark early that was a treacherous journey and luckily we never got any casualties, there was some on some of the other trains I remember but I never met up with one although I had some very frightening experiences.

The trains weren't fast moving because a lot of the tracks had been damaged and partly repaired. I don't think we ever did more than about forty miles an hour and that would be when we were down on the well preserved tracks down by the base more.

As we went along and passed various places where there'd been bases or hospitals previously and where we'd stopped for a few journies and got to know some of the people, it was common for the lads to throw out a parcel of jam or bully-beef or bread to his girlfriend. They seemed to be always on the look-out for food, it would be an event, an ambulance train coming through. They'd be always on the look-out and waving. I remember one chap called Lacey who was the troops' cook; he always seemed to manage to have a few jars of jam and tins of bully-beef and some bread to throw to his girlfriend.

The war made a man of me

The war definitely made a man of me, even 'the horrible training up at Blackpool. Yes, I feel sure I would have lived to any age if I hadn't had that younger training. I've got pernicious anaemia now and you can't expect to put on much weight with that, but in those photos I was ten stone. You see? Well then we had all that drill and fresh air up in Blackpool for those many months and subsequent fresh air in France.and drill. (Of course, we still had to do a certain amount of drill when we came down to the base. We had to parade and all that sort of thing). Yes, I feel sure that my army training has helped me in later life in health and in other ways too like discipline.

I've never been back to the areas I was in, I never seemed to want the urge to go back to those places funnily enough. I heard so many stories about it to bring back memories — some good, some bad — but no, I never bothered. Being a bit morbid I often thought I'd like to go and see some of those marvellously laid out cemeteries. I think when I was out in France there was nearly as many men buried here there and everywhere as there was in the cemetery of the local church. They were just wrapped in a blanket and buried by the roadside, many of them, and just a wooden stick stuck in. That was the job of course, (whenever possible) for the Pioneers to unearth them and take them into a local cemetery. They were very sad affairs down at the bases and there would be a little bit of a ceremony. Yes, even further up front (if at all possible) the chaplain would read some sort of a service over a poor devil before he put him in the hole. But down at the Base there was quite a do and a firing party and all that but even so you were still wrapped in your blanket and do you know, you were charged for that blanket. The cost of that blanket was deducted from any pay that had accumulated. That was just army regulations and they said they could do nothing about it, it had always been so, it was just accounting for that blanket that's all.

For kit we carried everything except a tin helmet. We had no rifle but the doctors on the train had revolvers. I only remember one occasion when they had to be used when Captain Sykes (a little fella) had to threaten one of the French drivers. There was a few odd shells coming over and this bloke was a bit windy and he wouldn't take the train any further. So Captain Sykes had to jump up in the cabin with him and his fireman and threatened to shoot him if he didn't take the train, and he did of course. That's the only time I ever remember a medical man using a firearm. When we were at Blackpool we never had rifle drill and were never actually taught how to fire a rifle or use one; I couldn't have done anyway according to what they said with this eye.

The image show stretcher bearers of the Royal Army Medical Corps lifting a wounded man out of a trench. Painting by Gilbert Rogers, courtesy of The Wellcome Library, London.


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